The Economist ~ Hayek’s Folly, Socialism in eRepublik

Day 855, 12:58 Published in United Kingdom United Kingdom by Spite313
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Dear Friends,

I would like to talk today about a subject which is more than a little esoteric, so if you’re feeling in a tl;dr mood I would switch channels now (after voting of course). Socialism is something which is adhered to by many, but understood by very few. That’s because like most political doctrines it has effects with which people can identify very easily, yet the theory that causes those outcomes is complex and rooted in philosophies which are often entirely distinct from the one they follow.

To talk of socialism or liberalism in eRepublik is very difficult. There are those, probably in a great majority, who will even now be heading toward the comments section to deny that such terms have no meaning in a game where social equality is both impossible and guaranteed at the same time. Socialism in the purist sense is impossible, but so too is exploitation and severe inequality of opportunity. However socialism still survives in eRepublik, and even thrives. I have found more socialists than capitalists in the New World, and the vast majority of them are socialists first and eSocialists later. Yet the principles they hold to are not the principles of socialism, but the outcomes. This makes it difficult for them to argue against those who advocate a capitalist, liberal doctrine.

In this article, I am going to describe “Hayek’s Folly”. Frederick Hayek was a famous Austrian economist, who proposed a great deal of theory about market freedom and advocated a form of laissez faire capitalism. Despite this, he is often remembered for his book “The Road to Serfdom” which he wrote during the Second World War. The book claimed that the rise of socialism in the world was instrumental to the rise of fascism and Nazism in particular. He claimed that the roots of totalitarian dictatorships in Germany, Italy and the USSR lay in socialism, and that by advocating socialism we sacrificed our fundamental freedom and liberties. I believe that he was wrong, and that by showing how he is wrong we show the mechanics of socialism which allow us to offer a socialist alternative to capitalism. If you’re still reading this, you’re probably in an extreme minority of users: those who care enough about where their beliefs lie to make some effort to understand them. Remember, as you read on, that anything I say is only an inadequately expressed reiteration of the thoughts of greater men, and that real answers can be found in libraries not eRepublik.




The Liberal misadventure

In The Road to Serfdom Hayek argues that although socialism claims to be the ideological successor of the Liberal movement (of the UK and Low Countries) it is in fact a German product and irretrievably tied in with Prussian and Eastern concepts of a controlled society. He claims that the socialist movement deliberately hides this fact by using liberal terms like freedom wrongly, in an attempt to harness the emotions associated with the term for the advancement of socialism. The way he describes it is that although socialism claims to be discussing greater freedom, it in fact means power not freedom. The socialist response to this claim is a simple one:

"Freedom for the pike is death to the minnows" - R. H. Tawney, Equality

When we look at the liberal concept of freedom, what we see isn’t so much freedom of choice as it is the possibility of choice in the first place. What the liberals meant by freedom is not the freedom for you or I to take a plane flight to Australia tomorrow, but the potential for a plane to fly to Australia tomorrow. To call this freedom is utterly foolish, because freedom in this sense has existed since the dawn of time and is no modern liberal invention. In medieval times it is arguable that there was freedom to ride a horse whenever you liked, provided you could afford a horse, afford to have sufficient leisure time to ride it, and afford the capital required to buy the privilege of being a member of the equestrian classes. At this point some of you are probably scoffing and thinking “but it’s different now, of course people have the opportunity to fly a plane to Australia, if only they work hard enough!”

The great victory of capitalism is this- it has created a situation where we are all rats in a trap. Because the theoretical opportunity is there, we are content with the system and even support it. After all, if you buy a lottery ticket, you will argue against the person who says “everyone should get their money back and the lottery closed”, since you still have the chance of winning. Once you have lost, you do not see this as a fault of the system since there is always the chance to try again. The vast majority of the world’s population live in abject poverty, and the freedom to vote, to own property and to do all the fabulous things in the world doesn’t bring them any closer to the economic reality of actually exercising those rights.




Liberalism as a foundation stone

Despite Hayek’s ramblings, liberalism is the basis for socialism. Hayek claims that socialism and democracy are intrinsically opposed. I would disagree with this. Democracy is a very simple concept. Once, power was invested in the Monarch, Lords and a small number of landowners. They made laws and decided how public money was to be spent. The concept of democracy is that every citizen is given an equal share of power, and how he uses that power decides either what is done or who decides what is done. In representative democracy, each citizen may use their individual power, or vote, and invest it into a candidate of their choice. Should that candidate win, he or she would wield the combined power of all the citizens in the country, region or constituency.

Socialism is many things, but one of the fundamentals is that democracy is a good thing and should be extended. If I were to tell you tomorrow “Your rights will be removed, you will be subject to the whims of a few men who only care about themselves, your right to vote taken away, your choice of lifestyle restricted and the future of your country forever taken from you and your descendents” you would probably be rightly upset. Yet that is the very situation you are in regarding the economic system which governs the majority of our companies and the majority of companies on Earth. You have no say in how your company operates, in layoffs, in pay scales, in bonuses for the wealthy. Amongst you will be those now saying “And that is how it should be!” in exactly the same way as in the 18th century Lords and Peasants alike defended the system which causes so much social strife and alienation between classes.

Why are you defending the wealthy from criticism and incisive questions? It makes no sense. Many capitalists, especially American capitalists, are fond of the argument “but xxxx simply worked hard to get where he is now, he deserves it”. Now let me ask those people a question. We have two people, John Smith and James Smith. John Smith is born as the eldest son of an Industrial baron in the early twentieth century. He makes many millions, working often long days, weekends and evenings for many years. He lives in a custom-built mansion, has many nice things. James Smith however was born in a back-alley in Cairo, the youngest of 10 children. He spent his early life working round the clock to provide food and medicine for his surviving siblings, and once he reached adulthood married and worked around the clock until he died, an old man, once again in the gutter. Social opportunity, not effort, distinguishes the wealthy from the poor.

Socialism is not an alternative to liberalism, it is liberalism. It is liberalism where we take the scientific, social and political revolutions of the nineteenth century and harness them to end the social inequality and feudalistic corporate structures of the twentieth centuries. To talk of socialism as the end of liberty is like talking of a roof being the end of the house. Yes it is different, has different characteristics and goals, but it is built from the same foundations and has ultimately the same principles enshrined and embellished at its heart.




Collectivism and the myth of liberal individualism

For many years liberals (and by this I mean those who reject the natural progression of capitalism to socialism) have argued that liberalism is about individualism. Rejecting liberalism, they claim, is to reject the individual. At the same time they complain about how socialism is destroying communities. They are inconsistent in their criticism. Socialism does nothing to affect the individuality of those who live under it, it simply reduces choice and increases opportunity. It is the great leveller. If I were to tell you now, that you could enter two ballots, and in the first ballot you would have a 1 in 100 chance of getting a job worth £100,000 per year, a 19 in 100 chance of getting a job earning £10,000 per year and an 80 in 100 chance of getting a job worth £100 per year, would you enter? Not many people would be happy with those odds, but those are the odds every child faces when it opens its eyes for the first time. Socialism takes away a portion of that top wage, and attempts to redistribute it through social services, education, healthcare and so on for the poor.

Collectivism isn’t anathema to individualism, it is the opposite. Opportunity is the mother of innovation, and most innovators, artists and creators of all stripes never make it past the first dream. Collectivism is about deciding as a group that we have priorities other than personal priorities; that we have a social conscience which extends beyond our own personal success. It accepts the limitations of human nature but celebrates the triumphs. Whether it is altruism or self-preservation, socialists argue that the part of a person that helps others is the best part. Providing opportunity for others to become educated, to be healthy, to have the materials to reach their potential is the ultimate goal of a socialist state, and it is motivated by the love of individual actions of millions of people. Socialism doesn’t want to push people into boxes, but to lift them to the level where escaping the box is a possibility. Socialism isn’t a trap, it’s the means to escape traps. It isn’t a road to serfdom, but instead a road out of it.



A new stage for an old battle: eRepublik

When a citizen joins eRepublik they often exaggerate existing beliefs, but they rarely change them completely. So a social democrat may be an eCommunist, but it’s unlikely he’ll become a far-right authoritarian. For this reason we often see the main parties in various countries defined by a few ideologues who essentially make the party. One interesting case in the United Kingdom of this is that of the People’s Communist Party. When I joined the PCP was a mostly centre-left party, though on paper it was communist. It had very few goals or ideas, and was basically made up of the majority of RL lefties who joined the eUK and were looking for a home. Perhaps in the ‘brain zone’ of the forums you would see Twaters or Bob coming out with something revolutionary, but mostly the difference was a clan one.

The emergence of Dan Fallows began to change the party. He founded the communes with his own money, pulled the party to the left and began to make the party into something more clearly communist. Although he doesn’t play anymore, the UK as a whole has been changed on a fairly significant level by his ideological and political position. It was Dan who first formed an alliance with TUP, which has defined the left for the last eight months or so now. Dan began by looking at eRepublik in a way nobody had before- as a social experiment. He saw inequalities, lack of true freedom, and a gerontocracy made up of elderly citizens using their vast experience to gather wealth and power to themselves in ever increasing amounts.

At the same time, TUP redefined itself in the RL British Socialist tradition, adopting many policies traditionally associated with the left. They called themselves Democratic Socialists, and drew on the likes of Tawney and revisionist politics to form the backbone of a socialist policy for Britain. Though people remember the PCP-TUP governments for their wars, the biggest changes were subtle ones brought through the Ministers not the CPs. Huge changes in the way the country was organised were brought forward. The country stopped relying on private citizens and started to intervene to make markets and supplies more efficient. Consider this: all government companies save skill 0 companies have been created since Kumnaa’s election.

Since that point we have seen a profound shift in not just the UK’s economic policy but its culture. We’ve assumed a dozen new collective identities, which we never had before. The focus on success has shifted from the individual success concept to that of a collective success. Whereas a year ago it was all about owning companies, now it is about joining the navy and getting a promotion. People work for no money in military companies, for the good of the nation. A year ago a suggestion like that would be met with laughter, disdain, and firm opposition from the right.




Framing the debate: a socialist success story

Perhaps the greatest success of all has not been the nationalised companies, or the cultural shift, but the change in definitions between parties and politics. Now, not even the most rabid UKRP member would disagree with the military programs. A year ago the thought of nationalisation made individuals rage and rant in the House of Commons; a few days ago when my government stimulus plans were announced there was a small flurry of interest followed by acceptance. The right in the eUK has come to a position where it is to the left of the spectrum of 2009. The UKRP is, at most, a centrist party. The debate has been redefined from socialism vs capitalism to a state of deciding just how socialist we should be.

A few months ago Jamesw left UKRP to join TUP and people asked me if he was a left-winger. I responded that everyone is left wing now, it is merely a case of whether you choose to admit it. We have successfully framed the debate.

There will be people reading this who will say “this is wrong, we should fight this”. But ask yourselves this: why? Do you wish to undo it, fight it, because of your real life beliefs, or because you have a viable alternative tucked away up your sleeve? The UK was one of the first socialist countries to successfully nationalise industries and maintain a mixed market. Since then, virtually every nation has followed us. The only ones which have held back are the anglo-sphere nations in North America and the Pacific, and they have suffered from that short-sightedness. The USA has various groups, such as Seal Team 6, who work in communes, but they are still largely funded by wealthy individuals. They have spent vast amounts of RL money to maintain a role-playing system which is inefficient. If they abandoned their ridiculous prejudices and accepted that socialism works in eRepublik they would have a far better equipped military.




Hayek’s Ghost: How socialists must act in future to undo the damage done

Despite all of this, there is still a lingering distrust of socialism present in most countries. Despite having nationalised a dozen dozen companies, and having worked in the marketplace for months, we still have citizens asking why we are destroying competition. We still get accused of social engineering, of corruption. People still quote Stalin and Mao at us, still talk about dole scroungers. The deep-seated propaganda pushed by the right has to a certain extent infiltrated eRepublik.

Socialism isn’t about stealing money from people: that is what capitalism does. We would strongly prefer if business owners paid a fair wage to workers, and we try to make that the case by encouraging citizens who share our values to enter the marketplace themselves to set prices and wages. We know that not everyone wants to work in a state or communist company, so we do our best to prop up the private sector alternative. Recently we had a major financial crisis, and I received a message from a concerned GM. Without actually quoting him, this GM asked what the government was going to do about the wealth generating sector of the economy, upon which the state relied.

The truth of it is that the state doesn’t rely as much on the private sector anymore as most would think. Our plan to help the economy by lowering taxes, devaluing currency, injecting hundreds of thousands of GBP and establishing an export market wasn’t there to save the state, but to promote the enjoyment of those members of the eUK who play because of the functions a private economic sector provides. We are socialists, yes, but we’re not stupid. It’s our goal to make the UK an economic and military powerhouse, and partly that includes private initiative.

Socialists need to look at the future as an opportunity to undo Hayek’s ghost, to prove him wrong. Socialism in eRepublik is limited in part by two things: activity of participants and the compatibility of the economy module. With great ingenuity it is becoming possible to circumvent both. The struggle for socialism has one great challenge left to it: to bring freedom to the people in every way Hayek despise😛 To offer every citizen a chance to excel; to offer every citizen a fair wage; to offer every citizen a say in the running of their business. For those who don’t work in worker co-operatives, the option must be made available. The future of socialism is bright in a way capitalism isn’t. Hayek despaired that people abandoned liberalism for socialism because socialism offered change. Why was he surprised? In eRepublik socialism offers many things: personal enjoyment, national success, player retention, a strong economy. Liberalism offers nothing but stagnation and a dependence on market forces in a world where motivation is the most important factor, not necessity.


Conclusion

For those of you who have successfully meandered your way through this document: Well done. I can’t impress upon you how much your opinion is valued by me, so if you have something to say, don’t just put it in the comments. Add me as a friend, send me a PM. Oh and subscribe! I have tried to lay out my thoughts on a topic that is possibly the most complex debate in modern politics. Because of this it has many shortcomings, not least of which is its brevity. Trying to define a whole political culture, its origins, motivations and future in just under 3500 words has been a challenge. I know many readers will have skimmed it- that’s fine. My goal was simply to provide you with something thought provoking and hopefully get something back in return.

Best wishes,

Iain



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