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With the purported end of the Jacobi regime in sight, Canadians find themselves wondering if this is the end of an era or will this political dynasty ride on roughshod over its opponents. To understand the dynamics of the upcoming Presidential election, and the legacy it will have to deal with, one must understand the fundamental shift that brought Jacobi to power.

Pre-Jacobian Times.

Jacobi is a product of Canada's first and most sustained baby boom. The important rise in population at the time coincided with a revitalization of the economy and a greater role for the country on the international stage. One can argue endlessly about natural resources, tax rates and the experience of the military but any nation's most precious resource is its citizenry. The larger the number, the larger the potential impact. In other words, there is nothing a country can't achieve if it has an active and dedicated base.

The last sitting President before Jacobi was Bruck, one time military man turned successful politician. Older readers will remember the popularity Bruck enjoyed and the cult of personality that developed during his time as head of state. Part of Bruck's success was rooted in the fact that he was an old guard giant dressed in the populist dress of activist leader (one need only recall his unconditional initial support for Canada as a military state whose role should be as instigator rather than observer). When Bruck's politics matured, so did his hold in the collective imagination of Canadians. Although he had his detractors, there seemed to be little in the way of obstacles for Bruck not to seek a record fourth mandate (bettering is already impressive and record setting three mandates).

Did he sense the shift in the politics of Canada or was he simply tired of the running the gauntlet? Whatever the case may be, he would leave the field in favour of another giant of the nation's past. Alexander Rearden's hand in the governance of Canada's economy can not be overstated. What he did has finance minister, none had done before (indeed, none even had the chance), and no single official had his tenure. He had the experience, could implement policy and had the distinction of being a mature, reflective voice in Canadian politics. Early on in his candidacy he had positioned himself as a candidate for subtle change and a more inclusive government who would take into consideration the desires and needs of the boomer generation. This was the culture Jacobi had to contend with, the challenge of any dark horse presidential candidate.

Undeniable Momentum.

So what could derail a popular finance minister with the support of the traditional establishment? Only this; a monetary scandal, the rise and maturity of a political grassroots movement and agile manipulation of the potential of the media.

The government had been plagued with monetary thefts, the most important of which was the complete loss of the military budget for one term. Accusations were rampant and in the absence of any resolution or identification of culprits, the finance minister was left to shoulder the blame. This also coincided with the return of Dean22 to Canada and his campaign to undermine the administration of the time. His tireless research identified most, if not all, of the gaps in fiscal accountability of the government and the final number could not be ignored. It made for bad politics and worse optics.

As has been mentioned the boomer generation had matured by this point and the expression of their political will was nowhere more prominent than in the rise of the Democratic Action League. The DAL of the time was a youthful party who had built their support one member at a time through tireless recruiting and support of younger Canadians. Whereas the CSD and CEP had larger memberships, they were less activist, less organized and rooted in the traditions of their past. The DAL on the other hand had fresh young voices and pushed hard for changes in the status quo maintained by the old elites. These public outcries were dwarfed by the astounding amount of grassroots organization and backroom politics. Where the older parties counted on success from the inertia caused by their mass, the DAL negotiated, poked and prodded the electorate in the direction they wanted with direct mailing and personal attention.

The media would be the deciding trump card. Once more youth and exuberance would bear fruit. For every flattering article the old guard could generate, the opposition could write two. For every article exposing the lack of an alternative with experience to lead Canada, the opposition could write two condemning the status quo, the apparent fraudulent handling of money and the danger of electing the same people to government.

A Record Number of Mandates.

Jacobi, who until this moment had been a junior Congressman with a knack for public discourse through his video addresses, had the savvy to hitch his ride to the right movements. He knew, or was convinced, that the DAL approach could not only yield votes, it could shape public opinion. The monetary scandals were enough to frame the debate and while discourse on the subject could turn nasty, Jacobi could always take the high road and count on others to sling the mud. None was more effective than Dean22. Despite being banned from Canada and being vilified by large segments of the vocal population, his points were compelling enough to change opinions and voting intentions.

Media, grassroots and a youthful voting base did the trick, Jacobi was elected President of Canada and although not completely devoid of experienced hands, presented a cabinets of newcomers that would shape the nation for a generation.

Although as a Congressman he had come across as a communicator, as president Jacobi showed his true strength as administrator. His choices in cabinet, the safe as well as controversial ones, were meant to generate results. Results that could then be presented to Canadians as proof of their electoral wisdom. The boldest move he would realize was to reinstate Dean22, perhaps for services rendered, perhaps because he genuinely believed in him, and entrust to him the tax reforms. The wealth that flowed into the government coffers made the decision makers positively giddy with thoughts of what the funds could realize.

Then came Canada's must fundamental test as a nation and arguably Jacobi's darkest hour. Hungary in particular and PEACE in general, through their proxies in France and the United Kingdom, orchestrated the invasion of North America. Despite the reserves built up and the will of the people, Canada would for a short period of time cease to exist completely. To say that Jacobi was criticized for this turn of events would be simplistic and understate the chorus of disapproval that echoed throughout the media and public forums. One thing that cannot be overlooked is that although Jacobi has been a popular figure at the ballot box and Canada's longest sitting President, he has always been a polarizing figure. Whether through his staffing decision, his impatience with process or his suspicion of Congress, he is a figure that has had to deal with constant confrontation.

What should have been his strength, communication, was constantly brought up as his greatest shortcoming. When Canada was attacked, Jacobi and his administration grew insular and circled the wagons. That the threats were both external and internal would not be mitigating factors in the court of public opinion, the lack of transparency was a damning thing. Furthermore Jacobi appeared, at least to the observers sitting on the outside looking in, as an individual that occasionally ventured out on his own trying to implement change or deals without consultation and approval. But he persisted, answered critics with salvos of his own and remained in power. His last electoral triumph certainly but more so his last two combined must have been vindication for a private citizen whose public job is often thankless.

The Legacy.

Recently Jacobi announced he would not seek another term. His stepping down opens the door once more to a potential change in the political culture of Canada. However the powers that supported him are still active and relevant today. The media once again will play a primordial role in who the next leader will be. The men and women that made the DAL the force it is are still active in politics. The boomer generation still remains the largest voting bloc in Canada and although not unified does trend towards cohesive voting intentions.

History repeats itself. The statement alone insure the truth of it. The players have changed and the international situation is mixed but the debate is once more what it was when Bruck stepped down. The scandal has been replaced by the need for Canada to unify it's territory once again and push out the invaders. The government has become the new elite and defender of the status quo.

The Jacobi regime can be called the Jacobi era. The children of this change are moderate politicians like William Duncan and mavericks like Scorpius. Controversial figures like Dean22 and capable ones like Moffington. Who the new challengers and dark horses will be remains to be seen but should define themselves in the days to come.

Will William Duncan, the apparent anointed successor to Jacobi, carry the torch to finish the job started or will a new figure and political class rise to prominence. Is Canada ready for that?

Let the debate begin.



*The above was an article from a Member Paper of the Writers' Guild of Canada*