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Analysis of Classes in eRepublik

Three mistaken ideas can be discerned amongst the Far-Left in eRepublik:

1) To be concerned only about cooperation with in-game bourgeois forces and to forget about the workers, the soldiers and the progressive middle strata of the e-World. This is Right Opportunism.

2) To be concerned only about creating so-called socialist or communist countries and likewise to forget about the workers, the soldiers and the progressive middle strata. This deviation turns proletarian leadership into capitalist leadership with a fake-socialist veneer. It's also known as "waving the red flag to defeat the red flag". This is "Left" (i.e, fake-left) Opportunism.

3) To be concerned only about the workers, the soldiers and the progressive middle strata within the game and to forget about the workers, soldiers, alienated middle classes and oppressed people in the real world. This is Virtual Opportunism.

Main e-Classes

The natural bedrock of the international e-proletarian revolutionary movement, the common everyday workers and soldiers of the eRepublik nations are the largest group of players. Every new player is born into this class. Much of their e-Life is devoted to just working and fighting. First they're denigrated as "noobs", then they're castigated as "two-clickers", then they're driven into long-term exploitation.

If they don't e-die of boredom, they tend to meander down one of 4 roads. While there's plenty of side-paths within each and a constant interplay between them, in general these are the roads that players follow in eRep...

1) The Broadband Super-highway of Long-term Exploitation

Exploited workers are assimilated by capitalist e-bourgeois culture, but don't actually join the e-capitalist ruling class. The "good little workers and soldiers" mostly just get ripped off for their labor and follow orders, often hypnotized by the siren call of hyper-nationalist propaganda. The majority of players, the sleep-walking majority of the e-labouring class, follow this path.

2) The Middle Path leads to a Fork in the Road

A good number of workers set up organizations, newspapers and private companies and keep them running for a while. They might get involved in political parties, social forums and markets but are usually not extremely active. They develop an interest in participating in production and culture and in a very, very general sense can be considered the 'professional' class. This middle strata, which is the second largest class of players, eventually encounters a choice:

2a) Get bored, crushed or disappointed by the petty narrow-mindedness of the game's built-in capitalist economics, with its bias towards overproduction and war, they become sympathetic to and potential allies of the laborers. Those that see this outcome tend to become the progressive middle strata.

2b) Align themselves ideologically with the e-bourgeois class in the hopes of "running with the big dogs". Those that pursue this fork in the road become potential "junior allies" of the imperialists and the big bourgeoisie. These tend to become the backward, bought-off middle class, the reactionary small-bourgeois forces.

3) The Jungle Roa😛 Gorillas and Chimpanzees

3) The bourgeois class itself divides into two main camps: gorillas and chimpanzees. Both vainly seek to "win" the game by accumulating e-power and e-gold.

3a) Some new workers seek to become integrated into one or another nationalist, cultish or military power structure. They are entranced by a fruitless effort to "win" the game by destroying or occupying other nations. Immersing themselves in the politics of "pure game mechanics", these 400-pound gorillas are the e-capitalist ruling strata: the political and military power brokers, the imperialists within the e-bourgeois class.

3b) Those who seek to impose domination in the economic sphere aspire to "win" economically by privately owning companies, managing banks and investment schemes, or by manipulating the money markets. Typically mis-led by an ideology of vulgar right-wing libertarianism or utilitarianism, they tend to behave like a tribe of chimpanzees: a strict social hierarchy is enforced by lots of chattering and display. These are the financiers, accountants, salesmen, managers, and ad men of the bourgeois class.

4) The Revolutionary Road

Revolutionary workers realize, sooner or later, that a truly New and better e-World is possible. They seek ways to transform it in the interest of the broad e-masses and, ultimately, to benefit the oppressed people of the real world too, at least in the cultural sphere. They variously describe themselves as socialists, anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists, left-wing democrats or left-wing social-democrats, internationalists of various types, communists, absurdists, dadaists, situationists, artists, intellectuals and anti-imperialist guerillas. The revolutionaries can be further categorized into two types:

4a) The conscious revolutionaries, who look for opportunities and carry out plans to transform the very nature of and influence of the game in a sweeping and all-encompassing way, both internally and externally.

4b) The spontaneous revolutionaries, who take up transformative game play mainly out of frustration with the reflexive conditions bound up in the game context.

Real vs. Virtual Friends and Enemies

Revolutionary struggles fail because they don't unite real friends to attack real enemies. Distinguishing real friends from real enemies is therefore a fundamental task of the e-revolutionaries.

However, this must be understood as a strategic outlook and not be confused either with making friends within the game or with real life politics. As outlined in a bit more detail below, classes in eRepublik are not materially the same thing as classes in real life. It's entirely possible for a real life proletarian to be drawn into the capitalist milieu in eRepublik. Conversely, a person with a bourgeois or middle class existence in real life can become a revolutionary in eRepublik. A person's eRepublik avatar can, objectively speaking, be an enemy of the e-people within the game context, while the real person behind that avatar is not an enemy of the real people at all.

Staying to the high ground of proletarian revolutionary ethics demands a clear-headed understanding of this distinction. The consequence of confusing the game too much with real life is Virtual Opportunism, a deviation that can harm the (real world) proletarian internationalist movement.

Virtual Culture

Class structures withiin eRepublik are virtual, which is to say they exist only within the model constructed by the game. This point is worth repeating: analysis of classes in eRepublik applies to the role and behavior of avatars and organizations as they exist within the scope of the game.

While an analysis of the relationship between the class and national condition of living, breathing, human players behind the keyboard and their play within eRepublik is secondary to this analysis, it should be noted that real-life class roles and perspectives do have a multi-faceted relationship to the behavior of virtual classes within the game world.

A few items for future reference on how real life culture, politics and economics influence (but not in a simple causal way) e-life would include studying the character and interplay of...

* Player demographics. A large proportion of players, i.e. students and youth, many of whom have not actually entered the workforce in real life, bring all of the inexperience, on the one hand, and boundless enthusiasm, on the other, that characterizes this strata of society into the game.

* Ideological and identity-based prejudices. Dogmatic interpretations of Marxism-Leninism, of conservative anti-communism, of democracy, or of other political, national, and religious traditions, influence expectations and behaviors within the game. So do pre-conceived notions regarding gender, age, religion, sexual orientation, physical ability, educational status, national origin, and so on and so forth.

* Xenophobia: American and other forms of national exceptionalism on the one hand; as well as anti-Americanism and other forms of national, regional or sub-regional pre-judgement of "the other", on the other hand, find expression in the virtual world.

* Player access to money, technology and leisure. Willingness or ability to expend real life currency on the game, as well as willingness or ability to expend time playing the game are important factors calculated into the game's business model and likewise have an influence on player behavior.

Virtual Economics

It's obvious that the economic model built into eRepublik reproduces, in meaningful observable ways, the exploitative world-wide capitalist system that generates alienation, consumer fetishism, ecological destruction and war in real life. But the game-world's economic structure has its own internal dynamics and constraints as well, distinct from the real world in important details.

This has been addressed, at least in embryo, by a number of e-revolutionary thinkers as well as some thoughtful in-game economists from the middle strata. In particular, a number of in-game Marxist thinkers have delved into the possibilties for constructing economic models based on communal work rather than exploitative work and have begun to explore the actual features of e-Capital. Such studies provided much of the underpinnings for this analysis and they certainly deserve more thoughtful attention.

Some of the unique characteristics of in-game economics include, but are certainly not limited to...

* The existence of "meta" or "other-worldly" economic forces and influences such as: purchase of gold using real life currency; software bugs and glitches; software patches and modifications

* The inability for class warfare and national liberation wars to take on a military character outside the context of warfare between pre-defined nations. In other words, there is no social revolution module at present, nor is there (yet) a secessionist warfare module.

* The distorted "physics" of production, consumption and capital within the constraints of the software model. For example: the infinite life-span of a house; the instant destruction of military goods upon usage; the inability to die in war; the role of "wellness" as a quantifiable entity; the inability to innovate by producing new types of goods or discover new resources; the lack of any ecological impact; the lack of any need to replenish the physical means of production (machines, etc.); and more.

The fundamental economic crisis of capitalism, however, is recapitulated within the game. Indeed, it is consciously built into it, bringing in its wake a class structure that mimics the capitalist mode of production and its antithesis, which was not part of the intended software design: the commune and the international solidarity of the working class.

A Massively Social Game

eRepublik is a game that exists in the real world. It exists primarily as an as-yet unproven business model aimed at producing and reproducing profitability for eRepublik Labs. But it also exists as an international social meeting-place for the transmission and exchange of friendship and ideas. Like many other types of social networking software, its usefulness and its "place in the world" or "its place in history" are interesting topics. But its actual trajectory, both as a profit-making business and as a form of social networking, is largely unknown.

Internally, at the level of game play, the anonymity of a "well-spoken avatar" within social boundaries set by the game's administrators provides an opportunity for social experimentation within a relatively safe zone of interaction. In other words, people can "be themselves" to a chosen degree, but they can also "be" generals, presidents, workers, writers, bankers and revolutionaries as long as they observe sensible social rules which prohibit un-sporting and insulting behavior.

Internally, at the level of software development, although not free and open-source, the game software is open-ended to a large degree, as shown by the many external forums and API-based tools. It can be played without spending real world cash, so it is free, to a significant degree, in the sense of "free beer". The source code, however, is proprietary. Its owners do not publish the code base and they are not amenable to public modification of it, so the game is not free or libre in the sense of either "free speech" or "a well-regulated commons". (Although it will be interesting to see what happens if and when a FLOSS alternative to eRepublik emerges.)

Both the internal and the external conditions of the game mean that the game play itself -- the ludic condition of the software, if you will -- is not static. Conjectures like "it is only a war game" or "the admins are prejudiced" are provable only within certain very narrow limits of experience and imagination; they are specious within the larger social, historical and technical context. In summary:

* Internally, the game is in flux. The designers and programmers continue to find and fix bugs, to add new features, to tweak the various modules, and to introduce new features.

* Externally, the game is highly experimental. Almost a quarter of a million people are engaged in a social-networking experiment on a virtual playground that roughly emulates the real world while giving a great deal of free rein to the imagination.

What is the condition of classes in eRepublik?

Imperialists and Admins

Objectively speaking, the e-bourgeois class can only be parasites who live off of the labor of the e-majority. In order to protect their role, they're driven to try to hegemonize the cultural sphere as well, which means squeezing all the fun out of the game for everybody except themselves. This is often expressed by their gorilla-like bellowing that only they know "how to play the game" or their chimpanzee-like chattering that only they are the "real gamers". This has the "ricochet effect" of splitting the middle strata, alienating many of the broad masses of players, and energizing the revolutionaries.

The virtual-economic character of the imperialist class and their closest lackeys leads them to engage in intense competition amongst themselves, which in turn plays out in never-ending attempts to attack and destroy each others' regions and nations, often pushing beyond the limits of sportsmanlike conduct to achieve these ends.

This is not, at its root, due to a choice on their part. Rather, it's a key element of the game's intended design as a capitalist business model. Contradictory as it may seem to revolutionaries who can and do genuinely enjoy playing the game, the fact is that the game owners are the real "masterminds" of the e-bourgeois class. This class is the most likely to spend real cash on the game. So the game owners obviously have a vested interest in promoting bourgeois, especially imperialist, behavior within the game.

This external reality is expressed in-game only by the occasional "deus ex machina" effect on game play. The general point is that it is built into the game.

The revolutionary perspective in eRepublik therefore logically becomes a criticism of the game designers themselves -- and of the game itself -- for promoting and modeling capitalist boredom, exploitation, alienation and ideology in the interest of private profit. As such, e-revolutionaries should make every effort to avoid spending real cash on the game or, for that matter, promoting the commercial version of the game -- as it currently exists -- for any purpose other than to promote revolutionary thinking and action within the context of the game and to have a progressive and revolutionary influence in the wider real-life social milieu of the game.

Monkey See, Monkey Do

In every aspect of the game's standard military, political and economic structures, not only is a bourgeois set of methods and culture designed into the game, but there's a group who are ready, willing and able to jump into these roles.

For the bureaucratically-minded politicos, it is expressed in the overly complex government ministries, the grandiose titles, the never-ending jostling for parliamentary one-upsmanship and in the officious orders, declarations, mock legal play and never-ending stream of nationalistic hoo-ha.

For the military wannabes, likewise we see the creation of an officer class lording it over the "grunts", the recapitulation of real-life bureaucracies, and the overwrought machismo inculcated into soldiers who must be tricked into fighting for their oppressors and against their brothers and sisters in other countries.

For the businessmen, they plug right into a system that rewards maximizing profit while providing no systemic organized voice whatsoever and precious few rights for labor. In this warped economy, they obsessively primp themselves up over their playground businesses, delighting in donating their leisure time and in many cases their real cash to eRepublik Labs in order to "get rich" virtually.

For the ideologues and propagandists, perhaps more so than for the politicos, the militarists and the entrepreneurs, joining the big e-bourgeosie reinforces their reflexive class prejudices, providing a psychological comfort zone where they can reassure themselves and others that "all is right with the world", when clearly it isn't.

In each case, these dedicated and committed big bourgeois act in direct opposition to the objective interests of the common workers and soldiers. In order to maintain their positions of power and authority, they must treat the majority like grist for the mill. And in the case of the ad men, in order to prevent either boredom -- which is bad for the business model -- or revolution -- which would overthrow them and transform the very nature of the game -- they must either convince or convincingly threaten the majority that they are being oppressed and exploited for their own good.

I'm So Bored with the USA

The vast majority of workers and soldiers and the progressive mid-layer 'e-professionals' are faced with the dilemma that a playing a game which emulates real life can become just as boring and tedious -- if not more so -- as real life under capitalism, neo-liberalism and neo-colonialism.

The deadening nature of "everyday" e-reality is obvious to all new players and to the legions of "two-clickers". The reason they continue to play, in many cases, is because real life is even more tedious and absurd. At least here they can briefly enjoy a trip into a slight-fantasy realm, giving their imagination some breathing room to ponder an alternative reality.

This type of activity is somewhat analagous to dreaming. The progressive middle strata and class-conscious, but not yet revolutionary workers and soldiers are like people who have studied directed dreaming or mind-training / meditation techniques. They are beginning to realize that they don't have to direct all of their dream-cycles to wherever their sub-conscious spontaneously takes them.

The revolutionaries, on the other hand, have woken up. Some have just recently awakened and are trying to shake off the dream state by actively engaging their waking imagination. This is an important role: bringing humor into the game and pointing out the absurdities helps others to break through the pre-constructed "ludic matrix" of the business model. The spontaneous revolutionaries celebrate their own awakening by demonstrating that there are other ways to have fun.

The fully conscious revolutionaries take the fun one step further by seeking to re-invent the game altogether, using what is effectively a form of jiu-jitsu, that is, a deep understanding of the nature of the game itself to subvert the game altogether and, hopefully, to contribute, at least in some small way, towards changing the world.

Combatting Mistaken Ideas

Right Opportunism is the worst and stupidest error for a far-leftist. The bourgeois and imperialist classes will never be convinced to give up their class nature, nor can they be subverted from within. They do, indeed, in a fundamental sense, represent and rely on the "game mechanics". It's foolish to think that by be-friending them -- in a strategic sense -- they can be "won over" to a revolutionary perspective. Right Opportunism is effectively surrendering to the bourgeoisie and therefore should be vigorously combatted.

"Left" Opportunism is the most common error amongst far-leftists. In essence, it is Right Opportunism with a twist. It shies away from the difficult economic, cultural -- and perhaps one day military -- challenges involved in a worldwide overthrow of the e-bourgeoisie. Instead class-based analysis, it relies instead on the idea that having "the right people" in power (or in a subtler version of the same thing, "mastering the game mechanics") will make a fundamental difference. In its grossest form, "Left" Opportunism simply substitutes nationalism for proletarian internationalism and thus becomes virtually indistinguishable from Right Opportunism. The forms of struggle against "Left" Opportunism should be calibrated to the level of the offense taken against the proletariat. In many cases, comradely debate and discussion can solve the problem.

Combatting Right Opportunism and "Left" Opportunism should not be taken as an excuse for non-participation. There's a great deal to be done in using the parliamentary, economic, military and cultural structures of eRepublik to help carry and promote a revolutionary message as long as it's done with "eyes wide open". After all, the proletarians and progressives need to combat the hegemony of imperialist and bourgeois culture in every sphere of the game.

Virtual Opportunism is the subtlest error amongst far-leftists and should always be treated as a contradiction among the people unless the actions within the game are clearly contributing to counter-revolutionary actions in the real world.

comrade Phoenix Quinn