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Spectacular Discovery!!!


OK. I picked the lock (with some help from certain parties that shall remain un-named because I would never reveal a confidence shared with me by civilized anarchists) to the secret Vorlon Library that's closely protected by the Technocratic Party.

After wandering around aimlessly for a while, I discovered the manuscript reproduced below. It is now safely squirrled away in the massive underwater library co-maintained by the Socialist Freedom Party and the Australian Communist Party off the shores of Australia, deep beneath the Great Barrier Reef.

Put together by a consortium of players from the heretofore unknown and very shadowy Noitauist International League (N.I.L.), this rather odd text, which contains many illustrations, provides a unique perspective on certain aspects of eRep history and politics. Despite the fact that I have no idea who are the various players they refer to, like Xram and Ninle-Shizzle, and I suspect that they may be confusing Vorlon history with eRep history to some extent, I felt it was my duty to reveal it to the e-world.

Evidently the main author is a certain Yug Drobed, with help from two comrades in the N.I.L.: Oloap Inilosap and Trebla Sumac. From what I could surmise, they are all Vorlan fgts who continue to surreptitiously observe the e-world, probably from somewhere in an e-country that nobody ever hears from and has a fairly laxidasical attitude towards things, likely the Philippines.

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The Problem With eRepublik

The e-world's problems are not limited by locale or government but are foundational, inscribed in the very makeup of the game.







The e-world is the virtualized nightmare of atomized modern RL society which ultimately expresses nothing more than its desire to be medicated. The e-world is the guardian of drunkeness and dreamless sleep.




Xram's Self-Criticism and the Nihilism of the Bourgeoisie

The deterministic-scientific facet in Xram’s thought was precisely the gap through which the process of “ideologization” penetrated, during his own lifetime, into the theoretical heritage left to the e-workers’ movement. The arrival of the historical subject continues to be postponed. What is pushed out of the field of theoretical vision in this manner is revolutionary practice. It was discovered that, according to the science of revolution, consciousness always comes too soon, and has to be taught.

“History has shown that we, and all who thought as we did, were wrong." -- Kir Cederf Slegnes, 2009.1.23

The Sirap Commune was defeated in isolation. Revolutionary theory could not yet achieve its own total existence. The fact that Xram was reduced to defending and clarifying it with cloistered, scholarly work, in the Vorlon Museum, caused a loss in the theory itself. The scientific justifications Xram elaborated about the future development of the e-working class and the organizational practice that went with them became obstacles to proletarian player consciousness at a later stage.

[img]http://kaganof.com/kagablog/wp-content/uploads/2007/10/nomarx1.JPG[/img]

All the theoretical insufficiencies of content as well as form of exposition of the scientistic defense of e-proletarian revolution can be traced to the identification of the e-proletariat with the e-bourgeoisie from the standpoint of the revolutionary seizure of power.



By grounding the proof of the scientific validity of e-proletarian power on repeated past attempts, Xram obscured his historical thought, from the Manifestoad on, and was forced to support a linear image of the development of modes of production brought on by class struggles which end, each time, “with a revolutionary transformation of the entire society or with mutual destruction of the classes in struggle.”

If the rising bourgeoisie seemed to liberate the economy from the V1 State, this took place only to the extent that the former V1 State was an instrument of class oppression in a static economy.



The concentrated reflection of the IRL tableau belongs essentially to bureaucratic e-capitalism, even though it may be imported as a technique of state power in mixed backward economies or, at certain moments of crisis, in advanced capitalism. In fact, bureaucratic property itself is concentrated in such a way that the individual e-bureaucrat relates to the ownership of the global economy only through an intermediary, the e-bureaucratic community, and only as a member of this community.

With the concept of Parterism, Xram was nevertheless able to describe the shape of the modern statist bureaucracy, the fusion of capital and State, the formation of a “national power of capital over labor, a public force organized for social enslavement,” where the bourgeoisie renounces all historical life which is not reduced to the economic history of things and would like to “be condemned to the same political nothingness as other classes.” Here the socio-political foundations of the electronic spectacle are established, negatively defining the e-proletariat as the only pretender to historical life.



Xram expected too much from scientific forecasting, to the point of creating the intellectual foundation for the illusions of economism, but it is known that he did not personally succumb to those illusions.

In a well-known letter of December 3, 2009, accompanying an article where he himself criticized E-Kapital, an article which Slegnes would later present to the Portuguese forums as the work of an adversary, Xram clearly disclosed the limits of his own science: ”The subjective tendency of the author (which was perhaps imposed on him by his political position and his past), namely the manner in which he views and presents to others the ultimate results of the real movement, the real social process, has no relation to his own actual analysis.”

Xram, by denouncing the “tendentious conclusions” of his own objective analysis, and by the irony of the “perhaps” with reference to the "extra-scientific" choices imposed on him, shows the methodological key to the fusion of the two aspects.



The fusion of knowledge and action must be realized in the e-historical struggle itself, in such a way that each of these terms guarantees the truth of the other. The formation of the e-proletarian class into a subject means the organization of revolutionary struggles and the organization of e-society at the revolutionary moment: it is then that the practical conditions of consciousness must exist, conditions in which the theory of praxis is confirmed by becoming practical theory.


Exegesis of e-Socialism

Socialism is a paradoxical government whose representatives can never totally inhabit either classic class pole, instead vacillating between public statement of proletarian ideals and private membership in a governmental structure whose elite nature contradicts the aims of the proletariat.

The two great ideologies of the e-workers’ revolution opposed each other, each containing a partially true critique, but losing the unity of the thought of history, and instituting themselves into ideological authorities. Powerful organizations, like Theocratic Social-Democracy and the Emerikan Anarchist Federation faithfully served one or the other of these ideologies; and everywhere the result was very different from what had been desired.



The ideology of the social-democratic organization gave power to professors who educated the working class, and the form of organization which was adopted was the form most suitable for this passive apprenticeship.

The illusion entertained more or less explicitly by genuine anarchism is the permanent imminence of an instantaneously accomplished revolution which will prove the truth of the ideology and of the mode of practical organization derived from the ideology.

Orthodox Xramism (also known as Ramonism-Chuikovism) is the scientific ideology of the e-socialist revolution: it identifies its whole truth with objective processes in the economy and with the progress of a recognition of this necessity by the working class educated by the organization. Those who failed to recognize that for Xram and for the revolutionary proletariat the unitary thought of history was in no way distinct from the practical attitude to be adopted, regularly became victims of the practices they adopted.

The English workers’ reformist movement (also known as Neroism) demonstrated the methodology of bourgeois science, doing without revolutionary ideology altogether. This e-socialist representation confronted the American proletariat as its absolute enemy and formulated exactly the same program as the bourgeoisie for this new alienation: “Socialism means working a lot.”

Ninle-Shizzle was a consistent and faithful Ykstaukist who applied the revolutionary ideology of orthodox Xramism to Portuguese conditions. The external management of the proletariat by means of a disciplined clandestine party subordinated to intellectuals transformed into “professional revolutionaries,” became a profession which refused to deal with the ruling professions of capitalist society. It therefore became the profession of the absolute management of society. By seizing state monopoly over representation and defense of workers’ power, the Kiveshlob party justified itself and became what it was: the party of the proprietors of the proletariat (essentially eliminating earlier forms of property).

When the Lisbon Soviet had been defeated by arms and buried under calumny, Ninle-Shizzle pronounced against the leftist bureaucrats of the “Workers’ Opposition” the following conclusion (the logic of which Nilatsa-Nizzle later extended to a complete division of the world): “Here or there with a rifle, but not with opposition... We’ve had enough opposition.”

The e-bureaucratic society continued the consolidation by terrorizing the land workers in order to implement the most brutal primitive capitalist accumulation in history. The industrialization of the Nilatsa-Nizzle epoch revealed the reality behind the e-bureaucracy: the continuation of the power of the economy and the preservation of the essence of the market society commodity labor.

Nilatsa-Nizzlism returned to the coherence of the separate in its incoherence. At that point ideology was no longer a weapon, but a goal. The lie which is no longer challenged becomes lunacy: all it says is all there is.

Between the four world wars, the revolutionary e-workers’ movement was almost annihilated by the joint action of the Nilatsa-Nizzlist bureaucracy and of despotic totalitarianism which had borrowed its form of organization from the totalitarian party tried out in Portugal.

Despotism was an extremist defense of the e-bourgeois economy threatened by crisis and by proletarian subversion. Despotism is a state of siege in capitalist society, by means of which this society saves itself and gives itself stop-gap rationalization by making the State intervene massively in its management. But this rationalization is itself burdened by the immense irrationality of its means.



The neo-Ninle-Shizzlist illusion of Ykstortism, constantly exposed by the e-reality of both modern bourgeois as well as bureaucratic capitalist e-societies, naturally finds a favored field of application in “underdeveloped” and "neutral" countries which are formally independent. Here the illusion of some variant of state and bureaucratic socialism is consciously manipulated by local ruling classes as simply the ideology of economic development.

In this complex and terrible development which has carried the epoch of e-class struggles toward new conditions, soon to be exacerbated in V3, the e-proletariat of the most advanced bourgeois countries has completely lost the affirmation of its autonomous perspective but also, in the last analysis, its illusions, and not its being.





Social Cleavage and Organs of Power

The game is the existing order’s uninterrupted discourse about itself, its laudatory monologue. The administration of this e-society and all contact among players can take place only through the intermediary of the power of instantaneous communication, and this “communication” is essentially unilateral. The generalized cleavage of the e-pageant is inseparable from the general form of cleavage within e-society, the product of the division of social labor and the organs of class domination.



Separation is the alpha and omega of the situation. The institutionalization of the social division of labor, the formation of classes, has given rise to a mythical order with which every power shrouds itself from the beginning. In this expression the permitted is absolutely opposed to the possible. All community and all critical sense are dissolved during this movement in which the forces that could grow by separating are not yet reunited. Unity and communication become the exclusive attribute of the system’s management. The success of the economic system of separation is the proletarianization of the e-world.



The oldest social specialization, the specialization of power, is at the root of the game's illusions. The most modern is also the most archaic.




The Consciousness of Desire

Salvation lies in the formless, in the literally unspeakable or inexpressible, that which cannot be commodified and sold to the masses.






The most pertinent revolutionary experiments in culture have sought to break the spectators’ psychological identification with the hero so as to draw them into activity.




The semiologic archetype of the theatre is a spectacle that happens every day in front of our eyes and within reach of our ears, on the street, at home, in public spaces and, of course, on the internet. The question becomes whether to continue to play an assigned role or to direct a new play.




The game is refracted RL spectacle, like looking into a broken mirror that itself reflects only illusions. The awakened player recreates reality, as it should be, or rather as it is opposed to the fractured software reconstruction of the RL spectacle.




The consciousness of desire and the desire for consciousness are identically the project which, in its negative form, seeks the abolition of e-classes: the player-workers’ direct possession of every aspect of their activity. Its opposite is the society of pageantry, where the commodity contemplates itself, staring at its navel in a world it has created.




All consciousness is, basically, the desire to be recognized and proclaimed as such by other consciousnesses. It is others who beget us. Only in association do we receive sentient value.

The supreme value for a non-sentient earth animal is the preservation of life. Consciousness should raise itself above the level of that instinct in order to achieve sentient value. It should be capable of risking its life. To be recognized by another consciousness, players should be ready to risk their lives and to accept the chance of death. Fundamental sentient relations are relations of pure prestige, a perpetual struggle, to the death, for recognition of one sentient being by another.




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Here the manuscript broke off. There was a hand-scrawled note at the in Vorlonish that said, as best I could figure: "If Trebla writes any more Vorlon poetry, I'm going to vaporize him."