Interviews of the Vampire

Have the Northern Lights Faded?

Ah, many a time I have pondered and counseled upon military affairs within eRepublik, but it occurs to me that I have not branched out into the political critique. Long ago I stated within an interview with the greatest of international journalists, Emerick, that I had no interest in running for high office. In effect the Presidency is a glass ceiling within this game, but the world of bloodshed truly allows one to soar. Why, when the administration mark the milestones of eRepublik, they single out not the election of distinct presidents, but those who have distinguished themselves upon the field of battle. One can excuse my lack of humility by specifying myself, eRepublik's first General, Alucard Bloodlust! BA HA HA HA HA HA HA!

As a Mercenary, I am not a public servant, but a private one, I serve only the highest bidders, the noblest of warriors, and myself. But I cannot say that the political arena is not an interesting spectator sport; well at least in most countries. The following discourse is not intended to be a condemnation of eCanada, but rather an accute examination of the executive body which has governed this nation for so long. I have lived in many countries, served many governments, and dined with (and on) many a President, yet for some reason I find myself drifting back towards this country. It has a quaint charm, a small-town feel with a larger-than-life dynamic. I tell no lie when I say that I have encountered or conversed with more Canadian Presidents than any other nation, and it has often been rewarding. But after so long, I have begun to see a trend within the government of this nation, the trend of a collective will driving Governmental policy, a vast wave of local light which drowns out the dim stars of the nations leader. I talk not only of a cabinet, a political party, or a journalist, but of the entire political elite of eCanada. The politics of this nation are rarely dominated by the president in charge, but by the bureaucracy of the nation itself. This leads to the inevitable question, is this because of the strength of the eCanadian population over its own political agenda, or is it because of the Leaders themselves?

But like warfare, and yes, everything else in the world, the answer is not black and white. To this observers eyes, the answer is "yes." In my lifetime I have seen the dawn and twilight of eight political dynasties within this nation:
the last lingering remnants of the Grapez regime,
the impotent presidency of Faltnor,
the heroic efforts of Derick Braham,
the meteoric rise of Adam Sutler,
the forceful breaking of Cottus Arci
the tragic decline of Banach
the tedious term of Tantis
and the predictable wilting of Tom Hagen

While I recognize that some of those mentioned may take offense to this phrasing, I assure them that none of this is personal, it is not meant as an attack, but merely a calm, reflective interpretation of events through the eyes of an outsider. For you see, this nation has had many great leaders, but only two great presidents. Many who have gained prestige and respect in their own political lives have have been tarnished upon reaching the eCanadian Presidency. This is born from the great perilous drama that has been the eCanadian political scene. It is said that great hardship creates great leadership, and eCanada has encountered great hardship, but in many cases, this great struggle was too much for one man to bare, and when those men wilted under the pressure, it was this "General Will," or collective political culture which was forced to take over. But after so many repetitions of this formula, we have seen that the political culture itself has become subconsciously factor within the hardships faced by the eCanadian President, serving to undermine him in his duties, and forcing the reins of power to fall upon them again. So let us examine these great stars of eCanada, and discover exactly why among them, there are only so few Northern Lights.


Grapez
Admittedly the first, and most enigmatic of the Presidents I have studied. I joined after his defeat at the hands of Faltnor, and yet despite his retirement from politics, he was completely reviled by the public. I read not a single endorsement, nor kind word about this eCanadian President until months after his reign. Those kind words can be summed up as "Well he didn't completely screw us over, and he made two departments." What can be sure about the Presidency of Grapez is that it was intensely controversial, so much so that he was forcibly removed from power, and his party completely devestated after a single term. So like the slow deer singled out from the rest of the herd, Grapez could not defend himself against the ravenous wolves of the Opposition, which devoured and replaced him with the ultimate figurehead, Faltnor. Grapez has been described as shifty, moody, and shallow by his detractors, and his abandonment of eCanada during the U.S. Canada war only seems to paint a picture of a man embittered by his experience. Was Grapez the "great satan" he was made out to be, or was he a man of worth who was plucked in his prime by those who sought power? This I do not have an answer to.

Faltnor
The Ultimate Figurehead is a prime description of this man. I came to eCanada to fight in the war he presided over, and I read not a single rallying cry, order, or even muffled peep. Faltnor was elected twice against severe deficit of opposition, first swept into power to replace the despised Grapez, and once more elected due to the strength of his own incumbancy and the comparative political apathy of the day. Faltnor became the most inactive President in eCanadian history, for even to this day those Presidents who have been unable to complete their terms have at least offered token leadership, or stepped aside. It was at this point that the foundations of a governmental service were placed, as the first Cabinets were formed to essentially absorb the responsibilities of the Presidency: Economic Affairs, Banking, Defense, Health, Foreign Affairs and Employment. This is where the "general will" started to directly influence policy, as policy was not set, enforced, or enacted by the President, but by great Ministers such as John Wilkmot, Banach, Albert Ainstain, Antonio Fonti, James Allen, Mortimer Jenkins, and Derick Braham. Variations of this team ran the government for a month, and Faltnor reaped the rewards by earning himself a second term. But when War came, the isolationist world of eCanada was shattered, and the public truly saw what kind of man they had elected. The war was organized not by Faltnor, but by his cabinet, and even with such great ministers to rely upon, this Cabinet soon cracked under the pressure as well as Ministers resigned under the strain. But new ones took their place, and individual citizens began to carry the torch for themselves. The government did not seem to exist in any conventional sense, for it became almost a mix of a populist and oligarchacal: the Cabinet acted in the best interests of the nation, based upon the advice of the best, the brightest, and the brilliant. The people cried out for a savior, and when Faltnor stood silent, they answered their own call. Faltnor failed not because of any great burden, but because of his own inadequacy. He was not prepared, nor interested in providing the leadership needed to lead a country through times of peace, let alone a war in which the very existance of the nation rested. He was in a star which faded out without so much of a blinking of light, remarkable for its own unremarkability.

Derick Braham
When I repeat the phrase, "Great Hardship creates great leadership" there is no man that exemplifies this proverb like Derick Braham. I had the honor of serving Braham on several occasions, and most profitable occasions they were. I watched his rise to the political summit, and soon he became the first political star to really shine. Braham was faced with a massive economic recession and later depression, a collapse of the military and political establishment, and the exodus of many a political resource from the previous regime, but unlike Faltnor, he did not scurry away, he instead replied: "I can fix this." He was the great communicator of the nation, able to secure the support of all walks of life within the battered country. Braham harnessed the "General Will" of the Canadian political culture like no other, and he did so nobely, subtly, and simply. Leading a trilateral government, Braham patched up the hemmorhage of political thinkers from the damaged nation, stopped the economic degradation, and laid the foundations for the most militarily, economically, socially and politically stable period in eCanadian history. So why did he succeed where others failed? The answer is a mix of his own extraordinary ability, and his recognition of the extenuating circumstances of the time. Braham was able to become a noble figurehead, the leader of a regime upon which other governments would be modeled: the Great Leader with the Great Plan, and the best people willing and able to carry out his plans. He was what Faltnor could have become given his position. Braham was not forced to fight off internal threats for he was able to communicate to the entire nation the simple reality of the time: unity, trust, and hard work were needed to repair the damage of the war, and the people listened. Could it be because he was able to harness the general will of the canadian political culture rather than fight against it, or was it because he saw the general will of the nation and chose to serve it. He shines as one of the brightest eCanadians to date, but it is unclear as to whether he made himself that hero, or if you turned him into it...

Adam Sutler
Undoubtably the only other shining light within the Canadian political sky is Adam Sutler. I was hired more by Sutler than by any other world leader, and as such, I was able to observe quite a bit about the man. If Braham is the leader who set the foundations of eCanada, it was Sutler who built the house. Sutler's win was not so much a great political coup as it was a coronation. Like Braham, Sutler faced little to no solid opposition to his Presidential bid, and as the heir apparent to the Presidency, was able to consolidate his power quickly. Economically Sutler's policies helped to rebuild the domestic market, where Braham had saved it from collapse. Militarily, Sutler orchestrated the first military actions of the Canadian forces since the war, showing the fledgling nation to be a solid middle power. Politically, Sutler changed the landscape of the country more than any other user, cementing the legislative, executive, and mayoral positions and privledges into the stonework of canada for months to come. But unlike Braham, Sutler was faced with internal challenges. Whereas the general will of the Canadian population was not turned against him as would happen to Presidents of the future and past, instead the will of the nation was polarized between two camps: Sutler's Norsefire Party, and Cottus Arci's CSD. For the first time since the war a political dynamic was formed with government and opposition. In a flip from the Braham position, it was not external threats which rocked Sutler's boat, but internal ones, the most significant of which being the complete abandonment by his Cabinet. Sutler was effectively the only man holding the reins of power in the twilight of his first term, and yet despite this abandonment and the vicious attacks of the CSD, Sutler and small cadre of undersecretaries not only ran the government, but followed through on nearly all of their promises. But the political will of the nation was moving into Cottus Arci's favour, as a newfound sense of complete stability granted eCanadians the freedom to question direction of their nation, and those who were leading it upon its path. What would follow was most controversial election in the nations history, with Arci standing tall as the winner. But within weeks of his election, Arci resigned the Presidency back to Sutler, and amidst the great turmoil, Sutler continued to push his much publicized agenda, eventually establishing a Constitution, and forging a new Cabinet of bipartisan nature. But Sutler wasn't faced with an overwhelming opposition, internal or external. He endured multiple crises, but none incredibly threatening to the nation, but rather focused upon the path that the country was taking. One cannot despute that Sutler was as blinding a light as Braham, and there is no doubt that much of that came from his own inner strength, but Sutler was not tested in the same way that Braham, Faltnor and Banach were. One is left to wonder how he would have stood up against those comparable odds. So was Sutler shining bright on his own accord, or was there just no other source of light to drown him out?

Cottus Arci
There is an element of tragedy about the reign of Cottus Arci, a major employer of mine in his own right, but one who never truly dwarfed the eCanadian political scene as his two predicessors did. Sutler and Arci shared many traits, shared similar situations and similar obsticles, yet there terms ended very differently. Like Sutler Arci was forced to endure the sudden resignation of much of his Cabinet after a quick sequence of scandals targeted his most high profile ministers. Like Sutler he did not have to endure any real external threats, and inherited many of the same issues, yet within weeks the president resigned. With the situation so suddenly reversed, one may assume that Arci may have been a lesser President, but I pose a different theory, for while circumstances appeared to match that of Sutler's, Arci was faced with the challenges that Sutler was not. The legitimacy of Sutler's presidency was never questioned in his first term, but upon the first day in office until his resignation, Arci was bombarded upon all sides due to the controversially close nature of the election. This bombartment soon whittled down his own support structure within his party, until only a scant few supporters actively supported him. His government soon fell to the same attacks as Grapez endured months before. But far worse than these internal attacks were the personal changes at home. Arci was ultimatelly forced to resign not because of infighting, or because he was overwhelmed by crises his government faced, but by personal reasons which neccessitated his exit. In any game, the exit of a character due to personal reasons must always be excused, for this is indeed fantasy, not reality. On the surface it is easy to conclude that Arci seemed a weaker President, but this conclusion is indeed unfair given the extenuating circumstances. That is until his second term is observed. Arci inherited the same position as Braham and Sutler before him. With Sutler's resignation, the newly returned and rejuvinated Arci became heir apparent to the eCanadian Presidency, which he too captured with ease. In both terms Arci tried to introduce a cautious socialist twist to the Canadian Social Service, focusing on expanding, consolodating and streamlining the governments bureaucratic responsibilities. In his second term, Cottus was faced with a new threat: an opposition which had not only united itself under a new leader, but one which had seemingly harnessed the entire General Will of the eCanadian political culture. Braham, Sutler and Arci had previously enjoyed a form of political detente with the opposition, recognizing that while they were opposed on certain issues, all parties had the ultimate goal of improvement of eCanada at heart. What Arci faced in his second term was an opposition whos primary goal seemed the forceful removal of Arci from office, one which demonized his presidency and his party from the day the Canadian Progressive Front was reborn. The Detente broken, Arci's government was continually the focus of the attack of the elite of the CPF, which under a charismatic, and trusted leader with spotless record for public service. It was as though John Wilkmot had indeed fought the election against Derick Braham after the wars end, but in this scenario, Arci was Wilkmot, and Banach was Braham. The tragedy is that Arci shared many attributes with his predicessors, including the skill to become a great leader in his own right, but he was overtaken at every turn by the whithering hail of attacks and investigations by a powerful opposition, the interferance of real life issues which limited his own in-game activity, and a lingering suspicion centered around his allegiance to the then-conquered nation of Australia. Whereas the General Will may have made Braham and Sutler what they were, it seems as though it never gave Arci a chance. Perhaps now that he is set to become the next President of Australia, we may see if the bright but halting flash in Canada was the result of Truth or Tragedy.

Banach
The tale of Banach is also lined with tragedy, but not one stemming from an apparent victimization, but a tragedy stemming from a great man overcome inexorable forces. Banach took power amongst a wave of unmistakable support, comparable only to Derick Braham's own rise to power months before. Banach is a man of incredible integrity and skill, whom I have fought beside many a time, and who's acts outside of the presidential arena have won my respect. He was quite possibly the greatest minister I have ever read about in the world, and a journalist equal to Emerick himself. Early on, Banach seemed to prove himself as his predicessors did. Faced with the first recession since the war caused by the Admins removal of the War Module, Banach was able to make quick progress within his first week, helping to insulate the nation from the downturn. Banach had the support of the nation, the skills to succeed, and an impeccable record to boot, but he was faced with the most unique crisis of any of his predicessors: the arrival of V1. Even the introduction of the War Module, which shook the eRepublik dynamic to its core could not compare to the effect V1 had on the nation, the game, and on Banach himself. Such an incredible, and bug-filled change from what had been for months the norm of eRepublik had done what no other change had done before: it caused those experienced and beloved veterans of eRepublik to leave the game in protest. Ciccero, Sutler, and now Dishmcds are but a few of the victims V1 claimed. It was the most fundamental change in eCanadian history, but the man who seemed to be the most suited to lead the nation through the change, the one with the most experience, the most wisdom, and the most integrity... was one of those who were most enraged and disenchanted with the change. Seeing that the nation he loved and fought for so bastardized, Banach was given the simple choice: step up, or step aside. Banach chose to step aside. This caused a chain of events which rocked the eCanadian government. Like Faltnor's inactivity during the war, Banach's exit forced the fate of the country to fall not on the shoulders of a named successor as Arci's had, but into the hands of the General Will once more, lead by a triumvirate of party and cabinet leaders, who once more haphasardly juggled the nation into the next election. Since his return, Banach has dealt with a great backlash, a backlash which is comparable only to Grapez' himself. Bitterness abounds about his so called abandonment, but one must ask if this is really fair? How would Braham, Sutler, Arci, or any other former eCanadian President have faired in this transfer? In hindsight it may have been wiser to invest the future of the nation into a newer user, one not so attatched to the Beta verson of eRepublik, but at the time Banach did seem to be the best option available. Admittedly, it was Banach who snuffed his own flame when he chose to leave, but would you have done any differently had you been in the same situation, with the same experience as he?

Tantis
Once the first elections of V1 came to pass, it was Tantis who took the reins, and none can dispute me when I say that he was not a shining light as a president. There were no major changes, no major solutions, and no major policies carried out under his reign. Instead, Tantis can be viewed as a caretaker President, much like Bill Clinton in the United States or RL. Tantis was faced with the new economic downturn caused by the collapse of the manufacturing sector, which in reality was equally severe as the economic downturns faced by previous presidents. The economy slowly recovered thanks to programs instituted by Finance Minister Rearden, But Tantis himself became a new kind of President. Better than Faltnor, but no Derick Braham. Even in times of great darkness, it is hard for an average star to outshine all others.

Hagen
And now we finally reach Tom Hagen, or the former Prussian King as when I first encountered this nation. From what I could follow, Hagen's career has been both varied and predictable. He has been trusted with various positions throughout the years: party president, mayor, congressman, administrator, etc. But the most obvious trait the President maintains is a seeming inability to commit to the long term, which has been pronounced by the current crisis. Starting out by cautiously endorsing the ATLANTIS-PEACE conflict within western Europe, Hagan was at his usual level of activity, but as his term drew on, he became more and more of a political hermit like his ancestor, Faltnor. Soon the government began to fall into the hands of the Ministers much like during that first great war against the United States, and was managed to much the same effect. Hagen seems a perpetual light within the Canadian constellation, and like a Neutron Star, he flashes brightly, constantly, and predictibly within this nations political cosmos, but like the neutron star, this flash is never sustained. While considered by many to be a folly, the war he embarked upon which has damaged the political, economic and military strength of the nation is still being wage, and is a mess which will be inherited by his successor. But given the period of economic stagnation for which military mobilization seemed the only solution, it seems as though blame cannot legitimatelly be placed upon his shoulders. The General Will of this nation seems to recognize that while this war may seem a folly, it also was one of the only legitimate course of action availble at the time. How he will be remembered, we have yet to know.

And now we stand on the eve of another eCanadian presidential election. The question before us now is not only who shall we elect, but will any of these candidates shine like the Northern Lights of regimes previous, or will they merely fade into the background like the majority of eCanadian Presidents. It could very well be that the answer lies within the population itself, as perhaps any of these candidates may become the shining examples of Canadian Competance if only we, the General Will, will let them...

General Alucard Bloodlust