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http://ikopal.com/nomoslabs/images/red-star-small.jpg"> About the Internationale http://ikopal.com/nomoslabs/images/red-star-small.jpg">


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The Internationale is an association of far-left oriented parties and organizations around the eWorld, created to help the development of socialism in all the countries.

The association is constitutionally based and run via a democratic process. The highest authority in the Internationale is the Congress, which includes representatives from far-left parties around the world. Each party has one vote. Member-parties appoint a representative to the Internationale Congress, which in turn elects a Chair each month, who also has a vote.

Various committees and departments are organized to carry out the decisions of the Congress. The business of the Internationale takes place on the Internationale forum.

There are three permanent departments within the Internationale...

Human Resources Department: Welcome new members and allow them to post in the forum; teach new members about how the Internationale works; keep a live list of current members
Media and Publicity Department: Make the news and actions of the Internationale widespread
Fund-Raising Department: Manage the accounts of the Internationale

...as well as the following committees and working groups:

Central Planning Committee: Act in an advisory position to the Internationale Congress, provides leadership and direction to the Congress
Security Council: Moderate the forum and expose counter-revolutionaries
Internationale Trade: Assist in supporting inter-communal trade
Internationale Military Committee: Develop a military wing of the Internationale; coordinate common actions of leftist militias

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From time to time, l'Internationale publishes longer theoretical works on topics of interest to players who take a far-left or otherwise revolutionary approach to eRepublik.

Previous versions of the following provocative piece have been published in a variety of languages over the past year. To celebrate his one-year anniversary in eRepublik, we are publishing an updated version of PQ's epic "Analysis of Classes in eRepublik".



http://ikopal.com/nomoslabs/images/red-star-small.jpg"> Analysis of Classes in eRepublik V2 http://ikopal.com/nomoslabs/images/red-star-small.jpg">
by: Phoenix Quinn, Socialist Freedom Party (eUSA)



Note 1: This is a re-write of "Analysis of Classes in eRepublik". Modifications and new ideas are based on having gained a year's experience in the game world. It does not represent the views of any party or organization.


Note 2: Except where noted, all mention of "classes", "nations", "countries", "strata", "left", "right", "forces", "economy" and so on refer to eRepublik. This is to avoid the annoying habit of putting "e-" in front of words. Where analogies and references are made to life, events, history and whatnot from outside of the game, they are clearly noted.


-- Phoenix Quinn, pro-revolutionary


Copyleft: feel free to reproduce, edit, translate, reformulate and otherwise re-use, with or without attribution.


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The Three Poisonous Weeds

Three mistaken ideas commonly arise amongst the peoples' revolutionaries in eRepublik. Genuine far-leftists are always on the lookout for these poisonous weeds.



1) To be concerned only about cooperation and collaboration with bourgeois-nationalists and bouregois-individualists and to forget about the liberation of the masses of workers and soldiers, the progressive middle strata, the new players and the bored players. This is Right Opportunism.

2) To be concerned only about creating and controlling so-called socialist or communist countries and likewise to forget about the workers, soliders, progressive middle strata, the new players and bored players. This deviation turns proletarian leadership into capitalist leadership with a fake-socialist veneer. It is "waving the red-and-black flag to defeat the red-and-black flag". This is "Left" Opportunism, which can also be called Fake-Left Opportunism.

3) To be concerned only about the workers, the soldiers, the progressive middle strata, the new players and the bored players within the game and to forget about the oppressed nations, the ecological crisis, and the situation facing the masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers, the alienated middle classes and oppressed people, the unemployed, the impoverished, the disenfranchised and marginalized, and the young people and terminally bored people in the real world. This is Virtual Opportunism.



The Four Roads

The natural bedrock of the international proletarian revolutionary movement are the common everyday workers and soliders of all nations. They are the largest group of players. Every new player is born into this class. Much of their life is devoted to just working and fighting. First they're denigrated as "noobs", then they're castigated as "two-clickers", then they're driven into long-term exploitation and boredom.

If they don't wither away or commit suicide from boredom, and instead stick with the game for a while, they tend to start wandering down one of four roads. There are many side-paths within each road. And it's entirely possible to jump from one to the other, or to wadner off into the bush and create a footpath between them. The world is full of by-ways, but in general these are four main high-ways...





1) The Broadband Super-highway of Long-term Exploitation and Slavery




Exploited workers are assimilated by capitalist bourgeois-nationalist culture, but don't actually join the capitalist ruling class. The "good workers" donate their labor, only partly compensated by unjust wages. The "loyal soldiers" mindlessly follow orders, all-too-often hypnotized by the drone of hyper-nationalist propaganda.

The sleep-walking majority of the labouring class follow this path. Those in large, powerful countries enrich the big capitalists and serve as cannon-fodder for their imperialist ambitions, who reward them with various perks and pitiful dreams: maybe someday they'll get house. Those in smaller, less-powerful countries suffer under constant threat of annihilation, which all too often is carried out, destroying their infrastructure and disrupting their community.


The Middle Path leads to a Fork in the Road

A good number of players set up organizations, newspapers and private companies and keep them running for a while. They try to get involved in political parties, social forums and markets but are usually not extremely active. They develop an interest in participating in production and culture and in a very, very general sense can be considered the 'professional' or 'aspiring' class. They are the middle strata.

The middle strata, which is the second largest class of players, eventually encounters a choice. The 'fork in the road' appears when they get bored, crushed or disappointed by the petty narrow-mindedness of the game's built-in capitalist economics and imperialist war-mongering, with its bias towards cycles of overproduction and destruction.

They tend to either...

2a) Veer Off Towards the International Working Class

Some of the players who have endured for a while become more and more intrigued by and sympathetic to the laborers and revolutionaries. They start to ask if there isn't more to the game than a never-ending chase after gold and conquest. They are the progressive middle strata who are potential allies of the revolutionaries.

Or...

2b) Veer Off Towards the Big Bourgeoisie

Others align themselves more and more with the big bourgeoisie in the hopes of "running with the big dogs". They are on their way towards becoming ghosts. These are the backward, bought-off and small-minded middle class: the reactionary small-bourgeois forces.


3) The Undead Highway

The big bourgeosie are the major oppressors of small nations and they profit by exploiting the workers. Ironically, they spend lots of time and money on a game that only enriches real life capitalists. And at the same time this class impoverishes the life of the majority of players. Their own bourgeois fantasy is an illusion, and at the same time they create dead players by exploiting and oppressing them. In short, they suck the life out of other players.

The big capitalists and their flunkies are driven by a never-ending hunger to seek to "win" the game by accumulating power and gold.

So we say that they are on the Undead Highway.




The bourgeois class itself divides into two main strata: zombies and ghosts.

3a) Some players become fully assimilated by one or another bourgeois-nationalist power structure. They become addicted to a fruitless and never-ending effort to "win" the game by destroying or occupying other nations and by creating "profitable businesses" that will feed their addiction. The political and military power brokers who are completely consumed by this hunger for virtual conquest and virtual profit are the zombies, who are the top rank within the bourgeois class.

3b)The zombies are surrounded by a strata of hungry and servile ghosts. These sad souls prowl through the virtual world looking for ways to "win" economically by privately owning companies, managing banks and investment schemes, or by manipulataing the money markets in the hopes of accumulating a pile of "gold" through "honest means". Typically they have been deeply mis-led by a failed ideology of vulgar right-wing libertarianism or utilitarianism that they vainly try, over and over again, to "prove" by playing it out within the game framework.

The ghosts tend to behave like a tribe of chimpanzees: a strict yet corrupt social hierarchy is enforced by lots of chattering and display. These are the financiers, accountants, salesmen, managers, and ad men of the bourgeois class.


4) The Revolutionary Road

Many players realize, sooner or later, that a better, more interesting world is possible. They seek ways to transform eRepublik in the interest of the broad masses of players. Ultimately, they want to help liberate the oppressed people of the real world too, at least in the cultural sphere.

They variously describe themselves as socialists, anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists, anarcho-something-else-ists, left-wing democrats, left-wing social-democrats, left-wing libertarians, internationalists of various types, communists, absurdists, dadaists, situationists, artists, intellectuals and anti-imperialist guerillas. Or they choose no such label at all.

They come in all shapes and forms.

Some are like monkeys with hammers, raising holy hell and storming heaven's gate.



Others are like those movie vampires and werewolves who are desperately trying to reclaim their humanity in world gone mad.



Some are nerds. Lazy, lazy nerds full of ideas that they aren't so good at implementing.



Some just want to have more fun.

[img]http://tinyurl.com/32o4qkl[/img]

And some are careful planners and organizers.




The revolutionaries can be usefully categorized into two types:

4a) The concious revolutionaries, who look for opportunities and carry out plans to transform the very nature of and influence of the game in a sweeping and all-encompassing way, both internally and externally.

4b) The spontaneous revolutionaries, who take up transformative game play mainly out of frustration with the reflexive conditions bound up in the game context.



Real vs. Virtual Friends and Enemies

Revolutionary struggles fail because they don't unite real friends to attack real enemies. Distinguishing real friends from real enemies is therefore a fundamental task of the revolutionaries.

However, this must be carefully understood as a strategic outlook. It should not be confused either with making friends within the game or with real life politics.

Classes in eRepublik are not materially the same thing as classes in real life. It's entirely possible for a real life proletarian to be drawn into and "play with" the capitalist milieu in eRepublik. Conversely, a person with a bourgeois or professional existence in real life can be a revolutionary in eRepublik. A character in eRepublik can be an enemy of the people within the game context, while the real person behind the avatar is not a real enemy of the real people at all.

A clear-headed understanding of this distinction is important. The consequence of confusing the game too much with real life is Virtual Opportunism, a deviation that harms the real world proletarian internationalist movement.


Virtual Classes

Class structures within eRepublik are virtual. They exist only within the model constructed by the game. This point is worth repeating: analysis of classes in eRepublik applies to the role and behavior of players and organizations only as they exist within the scope of the game.



Real-life class roles and perspectives do have a multi-faceted relationship to the behavior of virtual classes within the game world, but they are a secondary aspect of the class role taken on within in the game, not its primary feature.

Real life culture, politics and economics do influence -- but not in a simple linear and causal way -- social relationships within the game. For example:

Player demographics. A very large proportion of players are students and youth. Many have never actually entered the workforce in real life. Often, their only relationship to modes of production in real life is via their role as unpaying consumers. They bring their inexperience into the game. But they also often bring a boundless enthusiasm for learning and passion for exploring new and alterantive ideas.

Identity-based prejudices and ideological baggage. These are legion. Dogmatic interpretations of Marxism-Leninism, of liberal-capitalism, or of other political, national, and religious traditions and ideologies. This baggage from real life influences expectations and behaviors within the game. So do pre-conceived notions regarding gender, age, religion, sexual orientation, physical ability, educational status, national origin, and so on and so forth.

Xenophobia and Hyper-Nationalism. National exceptionalism and other forms of national, regional or sub-regional pre-judgement of "the other" often find expression in the virtual world amongst both rightists and leftists.

Money, technology, education, leisure and consumer patterns. The willingness and cability to expend real life currency on the game, as well as willingness or ability to expend time playing the game, are factors calculated into the game's business model and have an influence on player behavior. Likewise, experience -- both limited and broad -- with other types of social networking forums, browser games and electronic games influences how some players behave in eRepublik.

To be of any use, an analysis of classes in eRepublik should always focus primarily on the economic, political and military relationships created within and by the game and only secondarily on how real life influences class relationships in eRepublik.



Virtual Economics

It's obvious that the economic model built into eRepublik reproduces, in meaningful observable ways, the exploitative world-wide capitalist system that generates alienation, consumer fetishism, ecological destruction, war and the domination of oppressed nations in real life. But the game-world's economic structure has its own internal dynamics and constraints as well, distinct from the real world in important details.



Revolutionary thinkers, as well as other intelligent in-game economists, have studied the exploitative nature of "work" and "ownership" in eRepublik. There is much more to do in this area. A new series of analyses will be needed as the game morphs into its V2 phase.

Along with exploring economic and social analysis, the left has gained a good bit of experience in designing and building economic models based on communal and co-operative work. The far-left parties (and some others) have been instrumental in creating "free zones" of various types, where player-workers can manage their own destiny free of bourgeois interference. By creating anarcho-syndicalist economic structures to support autonomous political-social and military organizations, they have started on the arduous path of working around the game's built-in capitalist model.

Others have focussed on gaining political control or influence over state policy in order to demonstrate the value of economic policies based on principles of social solidarity rather than private gain to a wider population.

Such work on building economic and social alternatives deserves even more thoughtful attention, both in theory and in practice.

But it is also important to continue studying the pre-fabricated model. Some of the unique characteristics of in-game economics include, but are certainly not limited to...

* The existence of "meta" or "other-worldly" economic forces and influences such as: purchase of gold using real life currency; software bugs and glitches; software patches and modifications. The presence of players with the ability and desire to cheat efficiently could probably be considered another "meta" characteristic.

* The inability for class warfare and national liberation wars to take on a military character outside the context of warfare between pre-defined nations. In other words, there is no social revolution module at present, nor is there (yet) a secessionist warfare module. There have been some hints from the game-makers that this may arrive eventually, but this does not appear to planned for V2.

* The distorted "physics" of production have been widely noted in V1: the consumption and capital within the constraints of the software model. For example: the infinite life-span of a house; the instant destruction of military goods upon usage; the inability to die in war; the role of "wellness" as a quantifiable entity; the inability to innovate by producing new types of goods or discover new resources; the lack of any ecological impact; the lack of any need to replenish the physical means of production (machines, etc.); and more. Some of these characteristics of eRep economics are being modified in V2 -- for example, houses will have a life span, weapons will likely outlast a single battle, and "happiness" may also be a quantifiable entity. These changes will require fresh analysis and new forms of revolutionary praxis.

The particular qualities of the economic model need to be understood from a scientific point of view. Dogmatically applying real world theories to the game's economic model -- whether the dogma is from traditional capitalist or marxist schools -- is unlikely to reveal much of interest.


The fundamental economic crisis of capitalism, however, is and will continue to be recapitualted within the game. Indeed, it is consciously built into it. This brings in its wake a class structure that mimics the capitalist mode of production. However, all things exist in a dialectical process of ongoing development. The capitalist model generates its own antithesis, which was probably not part of the intended software design, and is manifested in things like: communes, co-operatives, the international solidarity of the working class and (perhaps, although this is a topic for another day) the development of a strategy for protracted global peoples' war that can lead to worldwide liberation.



A Massively Social Game



eRepublik is a game that exists in the real world. It exists primarily as an as-yet unproven business model aimed at producing and reproducing profitability for eRepublik Labs. But it also exists as an international social meeting-place for the transmission and exchange of friendship and ideas. Like many other types of social networking software, its usefulness and its "place in the world" or "its place in history" are interesting topics. But its actual trajectory, both as a profit-making business and as a form of social networking, is largely unknown.

Internally, at the level of game play, the anonymity of a "well-spoken avatar" within social boundaries set by the game's administrators provides an opportunity for social experimentation within a relatively safe zone of interaction. In other words, people can "be themselves" to a chosen degree, but they can also "be" generals, presidents, workers, writers, bankers and revolutionaries as long as they observe sensible social rules which prohibit un-sporting and insulting behavior.

Internally, at the level of software development, although not free and open-source, the game software is open-ended to a large degree, as shown by the many external forums and API-based tools. Although it can be played without spending real world cash, and thus is free, to a significant degree, in the sense of "free beer", it offers important incentives and advantages to those who do spend real cash to augment their virtual status. The source code is proprietary. Its owners do not publish the code base and they are not amenable to public modification of it, so the game is not free or libre in the sense of either "free speech" or "a well-regulated commons".

Both the internal and the external conditions of the game mean that the ludic condition of the software is not static. In other words, the "game mechanics" are constantly subject to change. Conjectures like "it is only a war game" or "the admins are prejudiced" are provable only within certain very narrow limits of experience and imagination; they are specious within the larger social, historical and technical context. In summary:

* Internally, the game is in flux. The designers and programmers continue to find and fix bugs, to add new features, to tweak the various modules, and to introduce new features.

* Externally, the game is highly experimental. Almost a quarter of a million people are engaged in a social-networking experiment on a virtual playground that roughly emulates the real world while giving a great deal of free rein to the imagination.

For revolutionaries, these observations matter because they reveal the highly fluid nature of the game's structure, and reinforce the hypothesis that "another world lies inside of this one".



What is the condition of classes in eRepublik?


Imperialists and Admins

Objectively speaking, the bourgeois class can only be parasites who live off of the labor of the majority. In order to protect their role, they're driven to try to hegemonize the cultural sphere as well, which means squeezing all the fun out of the game for everybody except themselves. This is often expressed by their zombie-like bellowing that only they know "how to play the game" or their ghost-like hooting and howling as they monotonously troll their regurgitated memes.

This tiresome approach has the "ricochet effect" of splitting the middle strata, alienating many of the broad masses of players, some of whom are then drawn towards the revolutionaries, and energizing the revolutionaries themselves.

The virtual-economic character of the imperialist-capitalist class and their lackey-ghouls leads them to engage in intense competition amongst themselves, generally organized into alliances of various types, which in turn plays out in never-ending attempts to attack and destroy each others' regions and nations, sometimes -- in true zombie fashion -- pushing beyond the limits of sportsmanlike conduct to achieve these ends.

This is not, at its root, due to a choice on their part. And in this sense the revolutionaries should take some pity on the poor zombies and ghosts.

[img]http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_s9TImgTUPqg/SDhr8B34VqI/AAAAAAAAAW4/VvjoSXS87XA/s400/deus%2Bex%2Bmachina.JPG[/img]

Such behavior is a key element of the game's intended design as a capitalist business model. Contradictory as it may seem to revolutionaries who can and do genuinely enjoy playing the game, the fact is that the game owners are the real "masterminds", the "gods", if you will, of the bourgeois class. This class is far and away the most likely to spend real cash on the game. So the game owners obviously have a vested interest in promoting bourgeois, especially imperialist, behavior within the game.

This external reality is expressed in-game only by the occasional "deus ex machina" effect on game play. The general point is that it is built into the game's structure.

The revolutionary perspective in eRepublik logically becomes a criticism of the game designers themselves -- and of the game itself -- for promoting and modeling capitalist boredom, exploitation, alienation and ideology in the interest of private profit. As such, revolutionaries tend to make every effort to avoid spending real cash on the game or, for that matter, promoting the commercial version of the game -- as it currently exists -- for any purpose other than to promote revolutionary thinking and action within the context of the game and to have a progressive and revolutionary influence in the wider real-life social milieu of the game.

As outlined above, however, the role of the admins within the game should not be interpreted in a linear, one-sided way. By creating the game, they have (inadvertantly, perhaps) created a "canvas" on which the revolutionaries can act.



Zombie Thinking

In every aspect of the game's standard military, political and economic structures, not only is a bourgeois set of methods and culture designed into the game, but there's a group who are ready, willing and able to jump into these roles.



For the bureaucracy-addicted politicos, it is expressed in the overly complex government ministries, the grandiose titles, the never-ending jostling for parliamentary one-upsmanship and in the officious orders, declarations, mock legal play and never-ending stream of nationalistic hoo-ha.

For the military wannabes, likewise we see the creation of an officer class lording it over the "grunts", the recapitulation of real-life bureaucracies, the overwrought machismo, and the emphasis on a value-less, politically-neutered sense of "brotherhood" and "order" that needs to be inculcated into soldiers who must be tricked into fighting to oppress their brothers and sisters in other countries lest they ever stop to ask what they are actually fighting for.

For the businessmen, they plug right into a system that rewards maximizing profit while providing no systemic organized voice whatsoever and precious few rights for labor. In this warped economy, they obsessively primp themselves up over their playground businesses, delighting in donating their leisure time and in many cases their real cash to eRepublik Labs in order to "get rich" virtually.

For the ideologues and propagandists, perhaps more so than for the politicos, the militarists and the entrepreneurs, joining the big e-bourgeosie reinforces their reflexive class prejudices, providing a psychological comfort zone where they can reassure themselves and others that "all is right with the world", when clearly it isn't.

In each case, the big bourgeois act in direct opposition to the objective interests of the common player: the tens of thousands of workers, soldiers, and middle-strata types. In order to maintain their positions of power and authority, they must treat the majority like grist for the mill. And in the case of the ad men, in order to prevent either boredom -- which is bad for the business model -- or revolution -- which would overthrow them and transform the very nature of the game -- they must either convince or convincingly threaten the majority that they are being oppressed and exploited for their own good.



I'm So Bored

The vast majority of workers and soliders and the progressive mid-layer 'professionals' are faced with the dilemma that a playing a game which emulates real life can become just as boring and tedious -- if not more so -- as real life itself.

The deadening nature of this 'reality' is obvious to all new players and to the legions of "two-clickers". The reason they continue to play, in many cases, is because real life is even more tedious and absurd. At least here they can briefly enjoy a trip into a slight-fantasy realm, giving their imagination some breathing room to ponder an alternative reality.

This type of activity is somewhat analagous to dreaming.



The progressive middle strata and class-conscious, but not yet revolutionary workers and soldiers are like people who have studied directed dreaming or mind-training / meditation techniques. They are beginning to realize that they don't have to direct all of their dream-cycles to wherever their sub-concious spontaneously takes them.

The revolutionaries, on the other hand, have woken up. Some have just recently awakened and are trying to shake off the dream state by actively engaging their waking imagination. This is an important role: bringing humor into the game and pointing out the absurdities helps others to break through the pre-constructed Matrix of the business model. The spontaneous revolutionaries celebrate their own awakening by demonstrating that there are other ways to have fun.

The fully conscious revolutionaries take the fun one step further by seeking to re-invent the game altogether, using what is effectively a form of kung fu, that is, a deep understanding of the nature of the game itself to subvert the game altogether and, hopefully, to contribute, at least in some small way, towards changing the world.




Combatting Mistaken Ideas

Right Opportunism is the worst and stupidest error for a far-leftist. The bourgeois-imperialist class will never be convinced to give up their intrinsic nature, nor can they be subverted from within. They do, indeed, in a deep and fundamental sense, not only rely on a narrow interpretation of "game mechanics", but it is their very life-blood (as much as zombies can be said to have a life). It's foolish to think that by be-friending them -- in a strategic sense -- they can be "won over" to a revolutionary perspective. Right Opportunism is effectively surrendering to the bourgeoisie and therefore should be vigorously combatted.


"Left" Opportunism is the most common error amongst far-leftists. It arises over and over again in various forms, some rather obtuse, some very subtle.

In essence, it is Right Opportunism with a 'hopeful' twist. It shies away from the difficult economic, cultural -- and military -- challenges involved in a worldwide overthrow of the bourgeoisie. Instead of scientific class-based analysis and a thorough-going revolutionary strategy, it relies instead on the idea that having "the right people" in power will make a fundamental difference.

In its grossest form, "Left" Opportunism simply replaces proletarian internationalism with narrow-nationalism and thus becomes virtually indistinguishable from Right Opportunism. This is literally "waving the red flag to defeat the red flag." In its more subtle forms, it is an honest but ultimately futile attempt at taking a short-cut to liberation.

The forms of struggle against "Left" Opportunism needs to be carefully calibrated to the level of the offense taken against the proletariat. The particular case should always be studied carefully. In many cases, comradely debate and discussion can not only solve the problem, but raise the general political level as well.

It is important, for example, to distinguish the creation of a genuinely "revolutionary base area" that can use the levers of state power to the advantage of the proletariat, which implies widespread popular support for the revolutionary forces in a particular country, from a "Potemkin village" type of "socialist" regime where the government in power makes no contribution to the international movement and/or is merely a moribund and ineffectual totem to somebody's ego.



"Left" Opportunism can also develop within a "revolutionary base area", meaning that a genuinely revolutionary exercise of state power can morph into a bureaucratic-capitalist entity if a capitalist political and military line is allowed to or manages to take control of the leading revolutionary forces.

Revolutionaries must also excercise caution so as not to fall into an "Ultra-Left" position, in which any and all actions short of immediate worldwide proletarian victory are condemned as "opportunist". For example, it may very well be worthwhile to pursue a certain degree of electoral politics in a country, even if the far-left has no chance of winning state power any time soon, in order to wage global class struggle in the realm of ideas and culture. Such activity turns into "Left" Opportunism only when getting elected to a few seats in congress becomes a strategic rather than a tactical plan.

Clearly, compromising all revolutionary and internationalist class goals for personal and bourgeois-nationalistic ones is the heart of opportunism. A true revolutionary, on the other hand, seeks to "touch the heart of god", which is to say, to raise peoples' sights towards "going where no player has gone before."

Combatting Right Opportunism and "Left" Opportunism should never be taken as an excuse for non-participation.

Although it is likely that only a protracted global peoples' war, building up and relying on a series of fluid "revolutionary base areas" over time, some in the form of states, others more autonomous in nature, is likely to achieve complete worldwide liberation, there's still a great deal to be done in using all of the parliamentary, economic, military and cultural structures available to help carry and promote a revolutionary message. After all, the proletarians and progressives need to combat the hegemony of imperialist and bourgeois culture in every sphere of the game.

The point is to take such actions with eyes wide open.


Virtual Opportunism is the subtlest error amongst far-leftists and since it touches on real life, should always be treated as a contradiction among the people unless the actions within the game are clearly contributing to counter-revolutionary actions in the real world.


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How members of the Internationale greet each other...

Апролетарцәа атәылақуа ӡегьы рҿы иҟоу, шәҽеидышәкыл! (Abkhaz)
Werknemers van die wêreld, verenig! (Afrikaans)
(Arabic) يا عمال العالم اتحدوا!
Պրոլետարներ բոլոր երկրների, միացե՛ք (Armenian)
Trabayaores de tolos paísos, xuniívos (Asturian)
Бүтүн өлкәләрин пролетарлары, бирләшин! (Azeri)
herrialde guztietako proletarioak, elkar zaitezte! (Basque)
Пралетарыі ўсіх краін, яднайцеся! (Belarusian)
দুনিয়ার মজদুর এক হও! (Bengali)
proleteri svih zemalja, ujedinite se! (Bosnian)
Пролетарии от всички страни, съединявайте се! (Bulgarian)
Бүхы оронуудай пролетаринар, нэгэдэгты! (Buryat)
proletaris de tots els països, uniu-vos! (Catalan)
全世界無產者聯合起來 (Traditional Chinese)
全世界无产者联合起来 (Simplified Chinese)
Пӗтӗм тӗнчери пролетарисем, пӗрлешӗр! (Chuvash)
proleteri svih zemalja, ujedinite se! (Croatian)
proletáři všech zemí, spojte se! (Czech)
proletarer i alle lande, foren jer! (Danish)
proletariërs aller landen, verenigt U! (Dutch)
workers of the world, unite! (English)
proletoj de ĉiuj landoj, unuiĝu! (Esperanto)
kõigi maade proletaarlased, ühinege! (Estonian)
mga manggagawa ng mundo, magkaisa! (Filipino)
kaikkien maiden proletaarit, liittykää yhteen! (Finnish)
travailleurs de tous les pays, unissez-vous! (French)
traballadores do mundo, unídevos! (Galician)
პროლეტარებო ყველა ქვეყნისა, შეერთდით! (Georgian)
Proletarier aller Länder, vereinigt euch! (German)
προλετάριοι όλου του κόσμου, ενωθείτε! (Greek)
פועלי כל העולם התאחדו! (Hebrew)
világ proletárjai, egyesüljetek! (Hungarian)
Öreigar allra landa, sameinist! (Icelandic)
para pekerja di seluruh dunia, bersatulah! (Indonesian)
oibrithe an domhain, aontaigh! (Irish)
lavoratori di tutto il mondo, unitevi! (Italian)
万国の労働者よ、団結せよ！ (Japanese)
Бютеу дунияны пролетарлары, бирлешигиз (Karachay-Balkar)
Став мувывса пролетарийяс, отувтчой! (Komi)
만국의 노동자들이여, 단결하라! (Korean)
karkerên cîhanê hevgirin! (Kurdish)
Бардык өлкөлордүн пролетарлары, бириккиле! (Kyrgyz)
Opus orbis terrarum iunctus! (Latin)
visu zemju proletārieši, savienojieties! (Latvian)
visų šalių proletarai, vienykitės! (Lithuanian)
Пролетери од сите земји, обединете се! (Macedonian)
mpiasa eran'izao tontolo izao, mampiray! (Malagasy)
സര്‍വ രാജ്യ തൊഴിലാളികളെ സംഘടിക്കുവിന്‍ (Malayalam)
Чыла элласе пролетарий-влак ушныза! (Mari)
Пролетарь дин тоате цэриле, уници-вэ! (Moldavian)
Орон бүрийн пролетари нар нэгдэгтүн! (Mongolian)
arbeidere i alle land, foren dere! (Bokmål Norwegian)
arbeidarar i alle land, samein dykk! (Nyorsk Norwegian)
کارگران جهان متحد شوید! (Persian)
proletariusze wszystkich krajów, łączcie się! (Polish)
trabalhadores do mundo, uni-vos! (Portuguese)
proletari din toate ţările, uniţi-vă! (Romanian)
Пролетарии всех стран, соединяйтесь! (Russian)
Пролетери свих земаља, уједините се! (Serbian)
proletári všetkých krajín, spojte sa! (Slovak)
proletarci vseh dezel, zdruzite se! (Slovene)
¡trabajadores del mundo, uníos! (Castillian Spanish)
¡trabajadores del mundo, unan! (Latin American Spanish)
arbetare i alla länder, förenen eder! (Swedish)
proletärer i alla länder, förena er! (Modern Swedish)
Пролетарҳои ҳамаи мамлакатҳо, як шавед! (Tajik)
Барлык илләрнең пролетарийлары, берләшегез! (Tatar)
bütün ülkelerin işçileri, birleşin! (Turkish)
Бүгү чурттарның пролетарийлери, каттыжыңар! (Tuvan)
Вань странаосысь пролетарийёс, огазеяське! (Udmurt)
Пролетарі всіх країн, єднайтеся! (Ukrainian)
vô sản toàn thế giới, liên hiệp lại! (Vietnamese)
arbeiders fan alle lannen, ferien! (West Frisian)
Бары дойдулар пролетарийдара, холбоһуҥ! (Yakut)
פראָלעטאריער פון אלע לענדער, פאראייניקט זיך! (Yiddish)